Until 1990, there were no Russian schools outside the USSR, with the exception of those run by embassies. It did not occur to the relatively small number of emigrants living in the West to organise special schools for their children where lessons were taught in Russian. In 2023, according to *Rossiyskaya Gazeta*, there were already 27,000 Russian schools operating outside Russia, of which only 90 were embassy schools.  It is clear that the vast majority of these are located in the former Soviet republics, where they were already in abundance during the Soviet era. 
But hundreds upon hundreds of Russian schools and educational centres have also sprung up in countries with significant Russian diaspora communities, requiring huge financial investment. Virtually all of these schools are private, but it would be wrong to assume that they are funded solely by tuition fees and local government funding. It is well known that this is not the case. A significant proportion of the funding for Russian schools comes from Russia. 
The teaching of the Russian language abroad was, even in Soviet times, a means of propaganda and the recruitment of foreign agents; and following the collapse of the USSR and the emigration of many millions of former Soviet citizens, the Kremlin’s capabilities in this regard have increased immeasurably. Second- and third-generation emigrants studying Russian using Russian curricula and textbooks in foreign schools could become easy prey for Putin’s propagandists. 
The sharp rise in the number of Russian schools in Western European countries began a few years after Putin came to power, around 2006, and reached its peak by the start of the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2022. The Rossotrudnichestvo page ‘Support System for Russian Schools’ lists the number of schools in the system as 3,637. 
In 2011, the Orenburg Region Ministry of Education’s website listed 282 extracurricular educational centres abroad in the ‘Supplementary Education for Children’ register, with the largest numbers in Germany (36), the United Kingdom (39), Belarus (31), Spain (13) and Italy (12). 
In 2015, President Putin approved the ‘Russian Schools Abroad’ Concept. There is no doubt that this Concept sets out not a future but a long-standing practice of controlling and funding Russian schools abroad, which has now been formally enshrined in law. 
The concept sets out the objectives of working with Russian schools: ‘Supporting and promoting general education in the Russian language abroad is an important factor in the Russian Federation’s humanitarian and political influence within the international community.’
The objectives of this work are set out as follows: ‘improving the conditions for the development and formation of pupils’ personalities on the basis of Russian cultural traditions and moral values… fostering, amongst new generations through education abroad, respect for human rights and freedoms and a positive attitude towards modern Russia… the cultural and aesthetic education of pupils, based on Russian traditions… the socialisation of pupils and their upbringing on the basis of moral standards, including love and respect for Russia and its spiritual values.
The following methods are specified: ‘…the promotion of Russian educational technologies, teaching methods and upbringing’. 
It explains who is responsible for this work: ‘The main bodies carrying out practical activities to implement this Concept are the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Russian Ministry of Education and Science, Rossotrudnichestvo, as well as other federal executive bodies and the executive bodies of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation’.
…And who funds it: ‘The Government Commission for Compatriots Abroad, as well as the “Russkiy Mir” Foundation established by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation No. 796 of 21 June 2007 and, by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation No. 678 of 25 May 2011, No. 678, the Fund for the Support and Protection of the Rights of Compatriots Living Abroad, complement the activities of federal executive authorities in implementing this Concept within the scope of their powers and competence and act in coordination with them’  
It is clear from the Concept that the purpose of the government’s concern for Russian schools is not to support the Russian language as such, but to promote propaganda, patriotism, and certain specific Russian ‘moral norms’ and ‘spiritual values’, which by definition do not coincide with those of the West. 
Responsibility for managing the process has been entrusted to Rossotrudnichestvo, whilst funding is provided through the ‘Russkiy Mir’ Foundation and Pravfond (the Foundation for the Support and Protection of the Rights of Compatriots Living Abroad!), both of which were specifically established for such purposes.
In a Rossotrudnichestvo document entitled ‘Mechanisms for supporting RUSSIAN SCHOOLS and institutions operating (or wishing to use) Russian educational standards and technologies abroad’, under the heading ‘Why do Russian schools abroad (RSZA) need support?’, the ideological aims of this work are explicitly stated: ‘Key areas of focus for work with young people… The establishment of centres of influence’.

The scale of the funding can be gauged from the lists of ‘affiliated’ organisations and individuals which, until recently (at least until 2020), could be found on the ‘Russkiy Mir’ Foundation’s website. In Germany, there were 278 such organisations and individuals, the majority of which were various educational and research centres and integration associations, including 16 Russian language courses, five nurseries and 11 schools. 
In the UK, ‘Russkiy Mir’ supported 72 organisations, 23 of which were schools and educational centres. 
In tiny Cyprus, out of 34 organisations funded by ‘Russkiy Mir’, ten were schools and educational centres.
In 2022, ‘Russkiy Mir’ was included in the European Union’s seventh package of sanctions, whilst in 2023, ‘Pravfond’ and its executive director, Alexander Udaltsov, were included in the eleventh package. This means that both foundations were barred from using legal and direct channels to fund their affiliated organisations. Pravfond responded with the following statement: “Our response will undoubtedly be to further step up the Fund’s activities within the EU. We are compelled to do so, first and foremost, by the objectives set out in Russia’s revised Constitution and its Foreign Policy Concept, in which the protection of the rights and interests of Russian compatriots is classified as a state priority. To this end, following the imposition of sanctions against the Foundation, we consider it necessary to adjust the methods and means of our work in EU member states and to ensure greater effectiveness.” In other words, the Foundation’s work will continue and be stepped up as it seeks ways to circumvent the sanctions. There is no doubt that this is precisely what is happening now. 
A key aspect of working with Russian schools abroad is the use of Russian curricula and Russian textbooks in the teaching process. When it comes to maths or chemistry textbooks, there are no problems. However, the teaching of the Russian language, literature, social studies and geography in Russia – just as it once was in the USSR – is entirely ideologised, and has become increasingly misleading as Putin’s regime has transformed into an ever more brutal and immoral dictatorship. 
The Russian Historical Society, established specifically for this purpose in 2012 and headed by Sergei Naryshkin, Director of the Foreign Intelligence Service, is responsible for producing school history textbooks in Russia. He was also, between 2009 and 2012, chairman of the ‘Commission to Counter Attempts to Falsify History to the Detriment of Russia’s Interests’, which was established during President Medvedev’s term of office.  This was a commission that fought – and very successfully so – against independent historical scholarship in Russia. New geography textbooks are now in use in Russia, in which Crimea and the eastern part of Ukraine, seized by Russia, are marked as Russian territories.  There are also new history textbooks presenting Putin’s interpretation of recent historical events, in particular the aggression against Ukraine.  These are also being distributed to Russian schools abroad. 
A paradoxical situation has arisen. School pupils graduating from secondary schools in Western democratic countries are gaining their understanding of history, politics and society from Putin’s textbooks, which are known to be false. And from teachers who follow Russian curricula, with all the consequences that entails.  This is how new generations of pro-Putin patriots are being raised from among the children and grandchildren of Soviet emigrants. 
The mechanism for supplying Russian schools abroad with textbooks was explained by Rossotrudnichestvo during the 6th World Congress of Compatriots in 2019: ‘Within the scope of its remit, Rossotrudnichestvo organises the supply of textbooks and teaching aids, popular science books and magazines on the Russian language, literature, culture, Russian history and the subject ‘The World Around Us’, as well as works of fiction by Russian authors in the Russian language (as part of the Russian school curriculum) to Rossotrudnichestvo’s representative offices abroad, including for Russian schools (classes)’  

Since contacts between the numerous Russian schools abroad and the Russian authorities responsible for their supervision are conducted directly, it would seem that there is no need for intermediary school associations. Nevertheless, they do emerge. 
In 2011, in Sevastopol, Crimea (which had not yet been annexed by Russia), the International Association of Russian Schools (MARSH) was established during the ‘Autumn in Balaklava’ scientific and practical conference for education professionals.   The Association’s founders included ‘representatives of the education sector and teachers from Russian-language schools in Ukraine, Russia, Latvia and Bulgaria’. The conference’s organisers included the All-Ukrainian public organisation ‘Russian School’, the ‘Russian World’ Foundation, Rossotrudnichestvo, the Sevastopol-based youth public organisation ‘45th Parallel’, and Sevastopol City University of the Humanities (SCUH).  
Apparently, this venture proved unviable, and ten years later, in 2021, a new organisation emerged with virtually the same name – the World Association of Russian Schools. 
The Association brings together Russian schools in London (six of them!), Marbella (Spain), Montecchio and Rome (Italy), Versailles (France), Fethiye and Antalya (Turkey), Amersfoort (the Netherlands), Navan (Ireland), Ghent (Belgium).  
It is interesting to note that, despite the fact that there are no Russian schools among the Association’s members, a non-profit organisation called the International Association of Educators and Educational Organisations ‘World Association of Russian Schools’ was registered in Moscow on 26 September 2022.   The association’s staff includes many teachers from a wide variety of countries and cities, but there is no information available about its founders or leadership.  
In 2022, the World Association of Russian Schools held the First Congress of the Association of Russian Schools in Madrid, at which ‘presentations by representatives of the Russian Academy of Education, Rossotrudnichestvo, the Moscow House of Compatriots, RUDN, as well as lecturers and heads of departments from universities and schools in Spain, Turkey, Italy, France, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, the USA, Canada, China, Austria, Bulgaria, Sweden, Belgium, Portugal, Russia, Morocco, the Republic of the Congo, North Macedonia, Lithuania, Estonia, Latvia, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Egypt and Mongolia’. . 
To understand the nature of the educational challenges facing the Association’s members, it is important to consider the remarks made by Irina Chistyakova, headteacher of Russian School No. 1 in the Spanish city of Marbella, in a 2022 interview published on the ‘Russian World’ website: 
‘…only a school can, through its pupils, convey to everyone the truth about Russia as a great, beautiful country, rich in famous people and discoveries.
…When the special military operation began, parents started to worry about their children, and in order to protect our pupils from any trouble, I filed a report with the police; after that, a police patrol was stationed near our school during lessons. Lessons went on as usual at the school, and the children, teachers and parents were calm. We celebrated 9 May and Russia Day just as we always do. Admittedly, there were some criticisms. One of the mums, who had come from Ukraine, spoke out against the St George’s ribbons and the 9 May celebrations. But our own parents explained to her that we are a Russian school and celebrate all Russian public holidays, and that the St George’s ribbon is a symbol of remembrance for all Soviet people who fought and died in the Great Patriotic War.
… Ours is a special school; our children follow the Russian curriculum, sit interim assessments and take the OGE and EGE exams. Of those graduates who reached Year 11, only one went on to a Spanish university; the rest are studying at universities in Russia.
… Cultural events are held in Spain: plays are staged in Russian, national holidays are celebrated, and Russian films are screened, though not on the same scale as before (due to fears of provocation). Even the Immortal Regiment was organised in Madrid and Almería, with hundreds of people marching in its ranks. .
… Unfortunately, there are isolated cases where our compatriots sign letters condemning Russia’s policies and the special military operation, justifying this by saying that otherwise they would not be allowed to hold a particular event. This is, of course, unacceptable and is condemned by the majority of our compatriots. 
In 2023, during the ‘Russia–Africa’ summit in Moscow, another organisation with an almost identical name was established – the Association of Russian Schools Abroad. It is clearly focused on non-European and Eastern countries. The association’s founders were the Centre for International Cooperation of the Russian Ministry of Education, the Herzen State Pedagogical University of Russia, the Akmulla Bashkir State Pedagogical University and the Altai State Pedagogical University; eight countries have joined through the ‘Russkiy Mir’ Foundation. These are Turkey, Ethiopia, India, Bahrain and, possibly, Uzbekistan, China, Vietnam and Laos.  
Another typical propaganda initiative from Moscow is the international competition ‘Best Russian School Abroad’, organised since 2021 by the Centre for International Cooperation of the Russian Ministry of Education: ‘Since 2021, we have been holding a competition for the best Russian schools operating outside Russia. Last year, 840 entrants from 55 countries across the CIS, Europe, Asia, the Middle East, Africa, Latin America and North America took part,” said Sergey Malyshev, head of the Centre for International Cooperation at the Russian Ministry of Education. ‘Undoubtedly, we received the largest number of applications from Russian schools in CIS countries, but it was no less a pleasure to see the unique teaching methods developed by teachers from France, Belgium, Palestine, Vietnam, Madagascar and many other countries thousands of kilometres away from Russia.’
The initiative appears to be highly effective. It is clear what criteria, in Moscow’s view, the phrase ‘best Russian school’ must meet, and the scale of the recruitment drive’s reach among the target group – Russian language teachers abroad – is also evident. In theory, all teachers at Russian schools abroad should be either employees or ‘friends’ of Moscow. And this goal is not all that unattainable. 

​

Since 2017, the Russian Ministry of Education has been developing the ‘Russian Teacher Abroad’ project.  School teachers – mainly language teachers, though not exclusively – are sent to various countries around the world at Russia’s expense. They work in foreign schools but receive their salaries from the Ministry of Education. In 2023, around 400 Russian teachers were working in 11 countries – Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Vietnam, Mongolia, Serbia, Turkey, Egypt, China, Ethiopia and Algeria. In the 2024/25 academic year, Djibouti, India, Laos, Bahrain, Venezuela, Madagascar, Myanmar, Uganda and Sri Lanka will be added to this list.  
The project is very costly, but the benefits are clear. Sending Russian citizens to work abroad greatly facilitates the work of the security services; their recruitment takes place in advance, even before they leave the country, and they are entirely dependent on their employers. In any case, given Russian customs, the purely humanitarian aims of the project (officially known as the ‘International Humanitarian’ project) can be confidently ruled out. 
The project is clearly aimed at developing countries, which are much easier to infiltrate than first-world nations. In any case, it is difficult to imagine a teacher working in a school in a European country who is officially paid a salary from Russia. Unless, of course, it is an embassy school. As yet, there is not a single European Union member state among the countries covered by the project, although Serbia is already preparing for this status.